Come Together, Right Now

Preventing Democratic Decline in the United States

By: Ian Feagler

As the Democratic primary continues to intensify, presidential hopefuls have staked their political fortunes on a handful of flagship policy positions, hoping to differentiate themselves from their rivals in what remains a highly competitive race. While progressive vanguards Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren continue to advocate for ambitious policies such as a wealth tax, Medicare for All, and a Green New Deal, newcomers like Andrew Yang and Pete Buttigieg have introduced new ideas into the national conversation. Until his withdrawal from the race in mid-February, Yang’s plan to institute a national universal basic income made headlines nationwide and earned him a passionate following. Meanwhile, Buttigieg’s proposal to restructure the Supreme Court, while less widely reported, is a potentially significant development that could signal an evolution in the party’s approach to democratic reform.

Underlying each of these policies is a recognition of the need for, as Warren puts it, “big, structural change” in the United States. While their solutions may differ, each major presidential candidate has acknowledged that there is something deeply broken within the country. An expansion of basic welfare services, a higher marginal tax rate on wealthy individuals and corporations, and a Green New Deal are timely and critical reforms. 

However, while substantive policy debates are important, our national leaders must also recognize the need for a deeper conversation addressing the underlying issues within our contemporary political culture. Chief among these are a decline in public trust of democratic institutions, increasing political polarization, and dwindling civic literacy—all of which threaten to rupture American society. 

First, politicians must take rapid action to restore public faith and confidence in America’s foundational democratic institutions. According to a Pew Research Center study published in April 2019, only 21% of self-identified Republicans and Republican-leaning independents say they can trust the government. For Democrats and Democratic leaners, the number was a mere 14%. While these numbers have dipped since President Trump’s election, public trust in government has declined approximately 60 points since 1964. Congress’s approval rating has experienced an especially severe drop over time. Continuous Gallup polling shows Congress’s ratings have declined steadily from the high 40s to low 50s at the turn of the century to the low 20s nearly two decades later. Perhaps most concerning is data published from a 2018 Georgetown poll, indicating significant dissatisfaction with American democracy itself. Only 40% of all Americans reported feeling satisfied with American democracy. Only 55% of respondents aged 18-29 and 56% of respondents aged 30-40 said that “democracy is always preferable” as a form of government; 32% of those aged 18-29 believe that “non-democracies can be preferable.” Those age groups were split on the question of whether democracy serves the people or serves the elite.  

Americans must actively attempt to overcome the country’s ever-deepening polarization and worsening political discourse. A July 2019 study by the Pew Research Center found that the majority of American adults have little or no confidence in the ability of their fellow Americans to cast informed votes in elections or have civil conversations with people that hold different views. In a separate Pew poll, nearly three-fourths of Democrats and Republicans surveyed said they couldn’t agree on basic facts. Majorities in both parties also see the other group as more closed-minded than average Americans and believe the other party is “too extreme”. Roughly 80% in both parties say divisions between Democrats and Republicans are growing. For more information about the ramifications of polarization, click here. 

Finally, the nation must also engage in a substantive discussion about improving civics education in the United States. According to the Annenberg Public Policy Center’s 2019 Civics Knowledge Survey, 61% of Americans could not correctly name the three branches of government, and 22% couldn’t name any. It is easy to dismiss the growing civic illiteracy as merely another unfortunate development, and easier still to shake one’s head in exasperation and suggest people ought to pick up a newspaper more often. The problem of democratic decline becomes all the more alarming when one realizes its full political implications. Americans remain seriously uninformed about even the most hotly contested and widely covered issues. This undermines the electorate’s ability to critically assess and act on nuanced issues and vote accordingly. For instance, those who have monitored the Trump administration’s hardline approach to (illegal) immigration may be surprised to learn that in the same Annenberg report, 40% of American adults surveyed incorrectly believe that illegal immigrants have no rights under the U.S. Constitution. Imagine the implications for our democracy of another Pew Research Center study, which finds that American adults trust military leaders, religious officials, and police officers more than they trust journalists and their democratically elected members of Congress. 

It is imperative that policy conversations must at least include an acknowledgment of the underlying cultural issues at the heart of our contemporary political quagmire. Otherwise, one must wonder if the Democrats are debating the best treatment plan for a sick country or are merely discussing the best life support system it can afford.